By Elias Sorich/Stacker

American politics have polarized faster than in other democracies, according to a report published in the National Bureau of Economic Research. This trend is reflected in the ideological movement of the U.S. Congress, with both Democrats and Republicans moving further and further away from an ideological center, though Republicans have done so on average more intensely. Indeed, the recent struggle of Republican House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy to gain the speakership role highlighted the degree to which hard-right conservative politicians have come to hold disproportionately large sway over the Republican majority.

Many of those detractors, members of the Freedom Caucus, come from reliably Republican and ideologically conservative states, though a number come from more moderate or swing states. To develop an understanding of the complexity of the American political landscape, Stacker compiled voter turnout data from The New York Times and statewide political ideology data from Gallup to rank states by their share of self-identifying liberals. Ties were broken by the corresponding percentage of conservatives, as able. Voter data was then used to identify counties that voted against this statewide average ideology.

In looking at these counties, data from government agencies such as the Census Bureau and research institutes—such as the Pew Research Center and the Public Religion Research Institute—were used to highlight and analyze demographic factors that might make the political ideology of the county apparent. Percentages of people identifying as "white Christian" in each county were sourced from the 2020 Census of American Religion. Detailed voter turnout data was unavailable for Virginia, Alaska, Louisiana, and Alabama.

In terms of understanding how these demographic factors affect the political lean of an American voter, a few qualities stand out as the biggest and most reliable predictors of party affiliation and ideological tendency. Namely, religion, race, education, and where a voter falls on the urban-rural divide. To distill these complexities into a couple of takeaways: Racially diverse communities lean Democrat by wide margins, and white Christians account for a large percentage of Republican votes. The highly educated tend to lean Democrat quite broadly, and in presidential elections, rural areas see a 15-22 point increase in Republican votes regardless of other variables such as race and education. Gender, age, and sexuality all play into the equation as well, with older voters leaning conservative, women leaning Democrat, men leaning slightly Republican, and LGBTQ+ voters overwhelmingly liberal.Florence County, Wisconsin

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#20. Wisconsin: 24% liberal, 35% conservative

- Most conservative county: Florence County
--- Republican votes in 2020: 2,133 (72.6%)
--- Total votes cast: 2,940

Located on the northernmost, rural border between Wisconsin and Michigan, Florence County has a population of 4,558, of which 94.6% is white, most of whom identify as white and Christian. The county has a population density of 9.3 people per square mile, a median age 15.9 years higher than the national average of 38.6, and 20.6% of its population has attained a bachelor's degree or higher, 14.4% lower than the national average of 35%.Fulton County, Pennsylvania

Alejandro Guzmani // Shutterstock

#19. Pennsylvania: 24% liberal, 34% conservative

- Most conservative county: Fulton County
--- Republican votes in 2020: 6,824 (85.4%)
--- Total votes cast: 7,990

Fulton County shares a border with Maryland to the south and is sparsely populated, with McConnellsburg (population 1,150) its largest town. In terms of explaining conservative dominance in the county, three demographics stand out: its population of 14,556 is 94.3% white, only 15.7% of residents have a bachelor's degree or higher, and 80% of the population identifies as white Christian.Sussex County, Delaware

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#18. Delaware: 24% liberal, 29% conservative

- Most conservative county: Sussex County
--- Republican votes in 2020: 71,230 (55.1%)
--- Total votes cast: 129,352

Distinguishing Sussex County most significantly from its more liberal neighboring counties is the high median age of its residents at 51.8 years, with 29.8% of Sussex County residents being 65 and older, and 75.4% of its 237,378 residents identifying as white. Immediately north is Kent County, Delaware, which has a median age of 38.8, and a lower percentage of white residents at 58.8% of 181,851. While not as markedly white as other counties, Sussex's racial demographics, combined with the fact that older voters generally vote more conservatively, likely contribute to its Republican lean.Morrison County, Minnesota

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#17. Minnesota: 25% liberal, 32% conservative

- Most conservative county: Morrison County
--- Republican votes in 2020: 14,821 (75.8%)
--- Total votes cast: 19,558

One of the top counties in Minnesota for dairy farming, Morrison County has a population of 34,010 with a density of 29.5 people per square mile, making it a decidedly rural region. In terms of demographics, the county is 94.2% white, a recurring factor in sharply conservative counties.Kent County, Rhode Island

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#16. Rhode Island: 25% liberal, 29% conservative

- Most conservative county: Kent County
--- Republican votes in 2020: 42,001 (45.1%)
--- Total votes cast: 93,093

Demographically, Kent County is fairly average, containing parts of the greater Providence metropolitan area as well as rural swaths, and with income, employment, education, and median age levels on par with the national average. The county's tossup nature is reflected in its voting history, going for President Trump by a 0.7% margin in 2016 and President Biden by a 7.6% margin in 2020. Likely tipping the county's balance towards conservatism, however, are the 38% of its population identifying as white Catholics, a group that leans Republican by a 14% margin, as well as a largely white overall population representing 86% of the total 170,363 residents.Kiowa County, Colorado

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#15. Colorado: 26% liberal, 33% conservative

- Most conservative county: Kiowa County
--- Republican votes in 2020: 795 (88.0%)
--- Total votes cast: 903

The location of a collapsed agriculture industry, Kiowa County is 1,767.8 square miles, but contains only 1,446 residents, making it one of the top 50 least densely populated counties in the nation. With a population that is 75% white and Christian, and overall 89% white, Kiowa's steep conservatism likely comes down to its racial and geographic demographic qualities.Wayne County, Illinois

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#14. Illinois: 27% liberal, 31% conservative

- Most conservative county: Wayne County
--- Republican votes in 2020: 7,176 (84.4%)
--- Total votes cast: 8,499

Wayne County is host to 368,017 acres of farmland, constituting 80% of the county's 713.8 square miles. Its largest city is Fairfield with a population of 4,883. Eighty-two percent of the county's population of 16,179 are white Christians, and 95.5% of the overall population is white, with the percentage of the population attaining a bachelor's degree or higher at 15.2%, about 20 points lower than the national average.Litchfield County, Connecticut

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#13. Connecticut: 27% liberal, 30% conservative

- Most conservative county: Litchfield County
--- Republican votes in 2020: 55,601 (51.7%)
--- Total votes cast: 107,544

Connecticut's largest county by square mileage, Litchfield County has a population of 185,186 and contains a consistent distribution of smaller towns interspersed with natural areas and preserves. The county is wealthier than the national average, with a median household income of $84,978 against the nation's $69,717, and more highly educated with 38% of the population attaining a bachelor's degree or higher and 15% attaining a postgraduate or professional degree. Factors contributing to the county's tendency to go for Republican candidates by small but consistent margins are a high median age of 47.6, a population of 85.7% white, and 5% white Christian.Ocean County, New Jersey

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#12. New Jersey: 27% liberal, 29% conservative

- Most conservative county: Ocean County
--- Republican votes in 2020: 217,740 (63.8%)
--- Total votes cast: 341,516

Part of the broader New York metropolitan area, Ocean County is home to 637,229 people and has grown consistently over the decades, gaining 10.5% in population from 2010-2020. The city of Lakewood is a source of much of that increase, growing by 45.6% to a total population of 135,158 from 2010-2020, thanks in large part to an influx of Orthodox Jewish people, a group that leans Republican by 75%. Otherwise, the county's population is 83.8% white, with 10.4% of the population being Hispanic or Latino, and overall has fairly average income, education, and median age demographics.Lake County, Oregon

Dominic Gentilcore PhD // Shutterstock

#11. Oregon: 28% liberal, 32% conservative

- Most conservative county: Lake County
--- Republican votes in 2020: 3,470 (79.5%)
--- Total votes cast: 4,363

Located in southern Oregon in a region known as the "Oregon Outback" for its desert habitat, Lake County is 8,138.6 square miles in size and contains a population of 8,160, putting its population density at about 1 person per square mile. A quarter of the population is 65 years and older, and 82% are white with an overall median household income of $50,685, about $20,000 lower than national and state levels.Garrett County, Maryland

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#10. Maryland: 28% liberal, 29% conservative

- Most conservative county: Garrett County
--- Republican votes in 2020: 12,002 (76.9%)
--- Total votes cast: 15,611

Maryland's westernmost county, Garrett County is sandwiched between West Virginia and Pennsylvania and contains 118.75 square miles of parks, lakes, and forestland—about 18% of the county's overall size. The county is overwhelmingly white at 96.5% of 28,806 people and is 71% white Christian, with 23% of residents religiously unaffiliated. The county has a slightly above average median age of 47.3, with 22.4% of the population 65 and older, a median income of $58,011 against the state's $90,203, and 24.7% of residents having attained a bachelor's degree or higher.Honolulu County, Hawaii

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#9. Hawaii: 28% liberal, 22% conservative

- Most conservative county: Honolulu County
--- Republican votes in 2020: 136,259 (35.7%)
--- Total votes cast: 382,114

Containing 70% of Hawaii's residents and encompassing the entirety of the island of Honolulu, Honolulu County has a population of 1,016,508, 43% of whom are Asian or Asian American, 10% of whom are Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander, and 18.5% of whom are white. In terms of political affiliation, English-speaking Asian Americans lean Democrat by a margin of 55 points, a gap that has continually widened over the last two decades. Religiously, the county is quite diverse—4% of its population is Buddhists, the third-largest concentration of Buddhists in the nation, a group that leans Democrat.Lassen County, California

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#8. California: 29% liberal, 29% conservative

- Most conservative county: Lassen County
--- Republican votes in 2020: 8,970 (74.8%)
--- Total votes cast: 11,985

Located in California's arid northeast, Lassen County has a low employment rate of 30%, though the population's median age is 37.3. Notably, 46% of people employed in the county are local, state, and federal government employees—31.4% higher than the national average—with state and federal prisons located in the region accounting for a significant amount of that number. Only 11.8% of the population has attained a bachelor's degree or higher. The county is relatively diverse when compared to other counties on this list with 64.3% of the population identifying as white, 23% as Hispanic or Latino, 6.9% as Black or African American, and 3.3% as American Indian/Alaskan Native.Belknap County, New Hampshire

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#7. New Hampshire: 30% liberal, 28% conservative

- Most conservative county: Belknap County
--- Republican votes in 2020: 20,899 (54.3%)
--- Total votes cast: 38,453

Host to the majority of Lake Winnipesaukee, 15% of Belknap County's area is water, and its largest city is Laconia, which has a population of 16,871 to the county's 63,705 residents. Significant to the politics of the region is a popular ski resort called Gunstock, which in 2023 led to an upheaval in the county's state delegation after a Republican-led group attempted to usher in corporate ownership of the resort. In terms of its demographics, Belknap contains the highest concentration of white Christians in New Hampshire at 63%, with 92.8% of the overall population identifying as white.Wyoming County, New York

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#6. New York: 30% liberal, 27% conservative

- Most conservative county: Wyoming County
--- Republican votes in 2020: 13,348 (74.0%)
--- Total votes cast: 18,050

Located in far western New York, Wyoming County is the state's largest dairy farming county, containing an estimated 49,925 cows, per the USDA's 2017 Census of Agriculture. The county also contains the third-highest concentration of white Christians in the state at 67% of the population and of that 22% are white evangelical Protestants, a group that leans Republican by a margin of 59 points.Washington D.C.

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#5. Washington D.C.: 30% liberal, 24% conservative

- Most conservative county: Washington
--- Republican votes in 2020: 18,586 (5.4%)
--- Total votes cast: 344,356

As a federal district and not a state, Washington D.C. does not contain any official counties, but its local government performs the services of a city and county. A region that votes overwhelmingly Democratic and has since at least 1964, D.C.'s conservatism is difficult to identify. Notably, 63% of D.C. residents have attained a bachelor's degree or higher and 35.9% have attained a graduate or professional degree. The region is also very diverse with a population of 689,545 breaking down to 41.4% Black or African American, 39.6% white, 11.3% Hispanic or Latino, and 4.8% Asian.Lincoln County, Washington

Arpad Jasko // Shutterstock

#4. Washington: 31% liberal, 28% conservative

- Most conservative county: Lincoln County
--- Republican votes in 2020: 5,150 (73.2%)
--- Total votes cast: 7,033

Located in Washington's eastern region, Lincoln County is the state's second-largest wheat producer, with over 80% of the county's 2,310 square miles devoted to farmland. The county is sparsely populated, with a population density of 4.7 people per square mile, and its residents have a somewhat high median age of 47.1, with 25.1% of the population 65 or older. Lincoln's population is 89.2% white, and the county has the highest concentration of white Christians in the state at 67%.Essex County, Vermont

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#3. Vermont: 32% liberal, 28% conservative

- Most conservative county: Essex County
--- Republican votes in 2020: 1,773 (53.9%)
--- Total votes cast: 3,288

The least populous county of Vermont and in all of New England, Essex County has 5,920 residents, of whom 94% are white, and 67% of whom identify as white Christians, the third-highest concentration in the state. Essex also has the lowest median household income in the state at $48,194 against Vermont's overall $72,431.Piscataquis County, Maine

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#2. Maine: 33% liberal, 35% conservative

- Most conservative county: Piscataquis County
--- Republican votes in 2020: 6,143 (62.0%)
--- Total votes cast: 9,908

With water representing 9.5% of its area, and a significant portion of its land devoted to state parks, preserves, and wilderness areas, Piscataquis County is a largely rural, natural region. The second-largest county in Maine at 3,961 square miles, Piscataquis' population of 16,800 has a median age of 51.3, with 26.1% of the population aged 65 and older, and 20.3% of the population having attained a bachelor's degree or higher.Bristol County, Massachusetts

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#1. Massachusetts: 35% liberal, 21% conservative

- Most conservative county: Bristol County
--- Republican votes in 2020: 119,872 (42.9%)
--- Total votes cast: 279,279

Bordering Providence, Rhode Island, and containing a high proportion of urban area, Bristol County's population is 579,200, and the county has a population density of 1,047.2 people per square mile. The county's median household income of $73,102 is above the national average but lags behind Massachusetts' median income of $89,645. Just 9.5% of the population are Hispanic or Latino, whereas 78.7% identify as white.​​

Data reporting by Sam Larson. Story editing by Brian Budzynski. Copy editing by Robert Wickwire.

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Comment below or email editors@thehustings.news

Social media stoked Sunday’s attack by supporters of former President Jair Bolsonaro on Brazil’s Congressional building, federal court and presidential palace, NPR reports. The riot was organized on such outlets as Telegram and Whatsapp, often using coded language, and was livestreamed by Bolsonaro supporters on YouTube, and could be found on Facebook, TikTok and Twitter, according to a report on NPR’s Morning Edition.

Bolsonaro supporters were also cheered on January 8 by Donald J. Trump confidant and supporter Steve Bannon, as “freedom fighters.” NPR notes that Facebook is expected to announce soon whether ex-President Trump will be allowed to return to the platform. Trump’s two-year Facebook ban was up on Sunday, January 8.

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Debt Ceiling Showdown to Come?

TUESDAY 1/11/23

With a thin majority in the 118th Congress, House Republicans have no chance of getting such controversial legislation as rescinding IRS funding (see right column) through the Democratic-majority Senate and back to President Biden’s desk. But the 221 Republican members of the House can deny an increase in the federal debt ceiling necessary to pay for an already-passed budget and potentially shut the government down. After House Republicans voted to approve Speaker Kevin McCarthy's (R-CA) rules package Monday, ex-President Trump called on them to "play tough" on the debt ceiling, stoking "fears of a chaotic Congress," according to The Guardian.

That’s the sort of disruption House Democrats, as expressed by minority whip Katherine Clark of Massachusetts, fear of the concessions Rep. Kevin McCarthy (R-CA) made to secure the votes to become speaker.

“Kevin McCarthy hasn’t held the speaker’s gavel for a whole week,” Clark said, “and already he’s handed over the keys to MAGA extremists and special interests for the next two years.” 

•••

Feinstein Gets a Push – Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-CA) turns 90 this coming June, and already she is the oldest member of Congress. Feinstein has filed paperwork for re-election for 2024, though she has not declared her candidacy for a sixth full term (she won a special election in 1992).

But on Monday, Rep. Katie Porter (D-CA) announced Monday she is running for U.S. Senate in 2024. California’s other U.S. senator, fellow Democrat Alex Padilla, won re-election in 2022 (California Gov. Gavin Newsom appointed him to replace Kamala Harris when she became vice president in 2021) and therefore is not up for re-election until 2028. 

--TL

Enter your Comments below or in the right column, as appropriate for your leanings, or email editors@thehustings.news.

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By Michelle Naranjo

In a small community on the steps of Pennsylvania coal country, there is a rumor being spread via social media that an empty decommissioned hospital slated for destruction due to the presence of asbestos and black mold is being kitted out with new beds and will soon become housing for immigrants making their way into the U.S. 

The initial report of this came from someone who claims a cousin delivering the beds to said hospital enquired about the activity, and a worker allegedly told him of the plan. The comments on posts about this range from residents ranting about Biden "opening the border," to those who believe that the migrants will bring the "China virus" with them, to a few who find the less-than-kind reactions racist and cruel. 

To be clear, migrants reaching the border tested for Covid-19 have a less than 6% positive rate. Legal residents in the border states, save California, are not faring as well. Texas is at 9%, New Mexico is at 8%, and Arizona is at 11%. 

Sadly, rumors of this kind are in every state of the U.S. and are just a sign of the poor communication around the growing migration from Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador.

Meanwhile, Biden and senior staff members are gunfire-at-the-feet dancing to avoid referring to the surge of migrants at the border as a crisis, and Republican critics are taking the opportunity to use the rising numbers to slam the nascent administration as a failure. The administration isn't doing itself any favors by rallying around the narrative that the growing crisis is the previous administration's fault. 

Democratic Connecticut Sen. Chris Murphy, following a visit to the El Paso, Texas U.S. Customs and Border Protection processing center as part of a bipartisan congressional tour, has called on the Biden administration to be more transparent with Americans about what is happening at the border. 

While there is much to be gained by being honest with the media and citizens, it would also be an opportune time for Biden et. al. to reiterate America's humanitarian tradition and take a giant step towards reviving it.

Biden has only been in office long enough for one month of border statistics to come to light, but setting the tone now is imperative. Allowing a humanitarian crisis to dissolve into disinformation and rumors amid the ongoing turmoil of over 500,000 deaths from COVID-19, a year of massive unemployment, and a timbre that is no longer keeping the racist undertones of the U.S. quiet. 

Rescinding the policy of returning migrant children traveling alone encountered to the other side of the border was the right thing for Biden to do. So is sending assistance to the countries losing their citizens to migration because of strained economies, weather-related disasters, political corruption, and drug and gang-related violence. Biden needs to give the press and American citizens an ongoing and clear explanation of why it is in our best interest to protect migrants at risk since so many of us seem to have gone dark on what it means to have the U.S. act a leader in human rights. 

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Email your comments to editors@thehustings.news

By Todd Lassa

The Texas legislature has begun a comprehensive investigation on What Went Wrong, a week after a severe winter storm pushed its power grid within “minutes from failing” with three hearings by four state House and Senate committees. 

More than 13 million state residents suffered no heat and electricity in sub-freezing temperatures as the Electric Reliability Council of Texas issued rolling blackouts to prevent a total collapse that experts say could have left the state without power for months.

Critics of Texas’ independent streak blame a policy that prevents the state from “borrowing” energy from neighboring states, in order to avoid federal regulations. Equipment at natural gas, coal and nuclear facilities became frozen and broke down, Time magazine reports, adding that after the last Texas freeze that caused blackouts, in 2011, federal regulators recommended the state weatherize energy equipment, including pipes, valves and other things necessary to keep the grid operating. When power in the state was back up again, many consumers were hit with energy bills of $10,000 and more, the result of unregulated price spikes by ERCOT for energy providers.  

Perhaps trying to divert attention from the real problem that was affecting millions of Texans, Republican Gov. Greg Abbott blamed the state’s wind turbines that failed due to iced-up windmill parts and solar panels that collect no sunlight when it’s not sunny. (34 gigawatts were down in Texas on February 15, with wind representing just 4 gigawatts of that total.) Fox News’ prime time commentators directed blame to the “Green New Deal” proposal by U.S. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-NY, to combat climate change, even though it remains only a proposal.

The energy crisis in Texas draws comparison with rolling blackouts in California last summer and fall, which were the result of extreme weather on the opposite end of the spectrum. California’s “first rolling blackouts in nearly 20 years,” according to the Los Angeles Times, affected less than half a million homes and businesses on August 14, for between 15 minutes and 2-1/2 hours at a time, with 321,000 more customers experiencing eight-minute to 90-minute blackouts the next evening. 

Extreme heat and forest wildfires across the state caused the blackouts, and because neighboring states also suffered record high temperatures, California was not able to buy power from them.

California energy officials “didn’t line up the right sources and didn’t take climate change” causing the extreme temperatures “into account,” according to the LA Times.

As usual in politics, it comes down to following the money. Either state could proceed at considerable cost building out renewable energy sources with the hope the burgeoning industry will create new jobs, or continue to protect relatively cheap, relatively reliable fossil fuel sources and maintain that industry’s level of employment.  

It raises the issue of regulation vs. de-regulation – and even the question of what regulation is for a public utility.

Fortunately, we have a left-column pundit from Texas, and a right-column pundit from California, to sort this all out.

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•Read Stephen Macaulay’s commentary on President Biden’s supply chain review — Click on Forum above.

•Email comments to editors@thehustings.news

By Todd Lassa

California’s 55 electors formally cast their votes for longtime U.S. senator and former Vice President Joe Biden Monday, putting him over the 271 he needed to become president, and on to a 306-232 victory over incumbent President Trump.

Now, finally Trump will end his challenges against the presidential election outcome, based on unfounded claims of ballot fraud primarily in Democratic-majority urban areas, right? 

Not so fast. While electors met in 50 states plus the District of Columbia Monday, a joint session of Congress meets January 6 to count those votes, and hardcore Trump Republicans are still threatening to overturn Electoral College votes, NPR reports.

The latest of Trump’s more than 50 failed court cases came in Wisconsin Monday just one hour before the state’s 10 electors were escorted by police into a statehouse chamber to cast their votes for Biden. The state Supreme Court rejected the incumbent president’s bid challenging four types of ballots in Milwaukee and Dane counties after the first recount there added about 130 votes to Biden’s 0.6% margin.

Monday’s Wisconsin Supreme Court decision was close; 4-3, with one conservative justice joining the court’s three liberals. 

Michigan’s presidential electors met in the Lansing statehouse at 2 p.m. Eastern time Monday, in chambers closed because of safety precautions. Prior to the vote, Michigan Republican leaders stripped state Rep. Gary Eisen, R-St. Clair Township, of his committee assignments after he made comments on a local radio station that hinted he was part of a group that planned to undermine or overturn Biden’s 16 Electoral College votes from the state, the Detroit Free Press reports. 

And this all comes after the U.S. Supreme Court late last Friday rejected Texas’ Republican Attorney General Ken Paxton’s suit demanding that 20 million ballots from Pennsylvania, Georgia, Michigan, and Wisconsin be thrown out. The court’s unsigned ruling prompted sometimes violent demonstrations in several U.S. cities Saturday, including Washington, D.C., where attendees included former national security advisor Michael Flynn, conspiracy theorist Alex Jones and members of the right-wing Proud Boys, who have ties to white nationalism. 

A group of 126 Republicans in the U.S. House of Representatives backed Paxton’s suit to reverse the vote of the four “swing” states Biden won November 3, which left 74 House Republicans who declined to back President Trump’s effort. Or, 73 if you count out retiring Rep. Paul Mitchell, R-Mich., who announced Monday he would leave his party.

Please address comments to editors@thehustings.news

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By Bryan Williams

The news of General Motors retreating from the Trump Administration’s fight with the California Air Resources Board and joining Ford, BMW, VW, and Honda isn’t a surprise. President Trump was peculiarly involved in the auto industry. 

He berated the domestic brands for outsourcing assembly to other countries, especially Mexico. He also fought my home state of California over its stricter-than-federal fuel economy standards. Taking a hardline pro-business stance on the auto industry was supposed to win Trump votes in Michigan in 2020. We know how that turned out.

GM bailing out of Trump’s legal efforts against the California Air Resources Board (CARB), to me is just a business decision to curry favor with the next administration. That Detroit automakers have been based in otherwise deep-blue Michigan, complicit in union inefficiencies for decades, and receptive to government bailouts – three realities that follow the Yellow Brick Road to a preference for the Democratic Party -- is a story for another day.

But what about two sets of fuel economy standards? When President Obama abruptly dictated an astronomical increase in fuel efficiency, I thought there was no way the automakers could meet them by 2025. How do politicians expect a business with such long development time, such as the auto industry, to turn on a dime when platforms and engines are designed for seven- to 10-year product cycles? 

There should be one national standard, and it could be the California standard as long as the automakers are given enough time to implement them, without throwing mandates or lawsuits around in an attempt to appease the political base.

The auto industry will be able to meet the California fuel economy standard, which at 51 mpg by 2026 still reflects a bit of a break from the Obama administration’s 54.5 mpg by 2025. But let’s choose one national mandate and stick with it for a while. It would provide the regulatory stability businesses need.

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By Bryan Williams

It has been eight days since the election and it appears most of the media and country have accepted that Joseph Robinette Biden will be our 46th president. However, Arizona and a few other states are still counting, and recounts are inevitable either by law or by the Trump campaign’s request. The plump lady hasn’t sung yet, if you ask me. There was no political violence after the election as feared, and the nearly 72 million Americans who voted for President Trump peacefully heard the results and have so far doggedly remained steadfast with a glimmer of hope that Trump will win.

And yet, I sympathize with the center column writer. In 2016 I was dubious of both candidates Clinton and Trump and voted for a third party. Even I, a grizzled Republican vet, bought into the media narrative that Trump would be a disaster as president, so I made a protest vote. I was a bit scared of what Trump meant for our country’s future, but the past four years has been a surprise. Like many, I don’t care for the president’s more acidic behaviors, but for the most part the Trump presidency has been just fine for America and has not led to her ruin. I feel like America won’t be ruined either if or when Biden is certified as the winner, and not just because it looks as if the GOP will keep the Senate. I have more faith than that in the American people and believe one-party rule would be our own worst enemy – just look at California.

Elections, even those not held during an unprecedented global pandemic and with nearly universal mail-in balloting, take time. Give the poll workers time. Give the lawyers some time. Give the judges some time. We live in an age that is ever more used to instantaneous results and gratification. We have to get this election right, and as Sen. Mitch McConnell said, President Trump is well within his rights to challenge everything he legally can.

So let’s wait to hear the singing from the plump lady, shall we? Remember whatever the outcome, we all appeal to the better angels of our nature and act as responsible, dignified American voters. We will get up the next day and go to work and love and care for our children. And we will hope. Hope the best for America no matter who is elected president. I won’t be unhappy either. But I am willing to wait for that singing.

Williams is a mental health professional and former Republican party official in California.

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By Michelle Naranjo

Consider me a reluctant Pennsylvania tourist who owns a home here in Lehigh County. It's okay. I know that I will never belong. 

I moved to Pennsylvania with a sound understanding of risk. I moved for love. Sue me. 

From being born in New Mexico into biracial parents -- let's just say that my family has been in what is now the U.S. since my great x17 grandfather -- I think it's cute when people tell me their great-grandfather came to this country. My parents were pretty sedentary but never accepted.

Flash forward: Parents are gone, and I own a house in rural Pennsylvania, and there are days when I drive for glue, or something odd, at one of the local Dollar General stores -- I live precisely three miles between two of the franchises -- and I catch a view of the "blue mountain."

They call everything Blue Mountain everywhere here. There is a road I can drive up and stop to look north or south and hope to see someone crossing as they trek the Appalachian Trail. I yearn to connect with another tourist. 

Those hikers probably won’t stay long enough to see the darkness here that you can also find in England, Wales, Texas, Arizona, California, New Mexico, Connecticut, and Rhode Island. That may look like an odd list of places, but it is everywhere I have lived as a tourist. 

As an outsider, here is what I see:

Between Philadelphia and Pittsburgh, there is wealth. Those people have "green" properties, so pay one-third or less than the people who have homes on hillsides and cannot claim the same environmental tax write-offs. Farmers also get a similar tax benefit, even if they let their land go fallow because they can't sell corn or soy to China. 

And there are more people here without any path to wealth. The current jobs are in the distribution warehouses popping up. Forty hours at $15 an hour is a promise that means two or even three jobs for people trying to have a family. Property taxes have disenfranchised homeownership. Landlords are making bank. The worse the school district is, the higher the taxes. 

The best of the public schools between the big cities are impressive with sports and labs, but the lucky from them get to attend any one of the plethora of small, liberal-arts colleges, while poorer districts might get wrestlers into a state Pennsylvania school. Yay, team.

And these are proud people who do not leave where they grew up. Coal is dead. Fracking is dying. They can’t let go.

The 1970s and ‘80s efforts to diversify the workforce here ended in an elevated racist culture. Puerto Rican restaurants struggle to identify themselves as "Spanish" to appeal to the euro-centric Penn Dutch descendants. Imagine what it is like for anyone speaking Spanish at a warehouse. Or, for those who don’t?

Like several of my neighbors, I was too scared to put out my Biden signs. We live in a mix of manicured and aging neighborhoods where yard signs say, “Not a Gun Free Zone” all year long. Our homes are all sent The Epoch Times newspaper unsolicited. The latest issue was about the evils of marijuana and Hunter Biden. 

All of that is to say that Pennsylvania may have been the deciding factor for our new president-elect, but we have a lot to heal here in the hinterlands. Or, as I learned in Welsh, y gwyll, meaning “the dusk.” 

I say "we" like I might stay. There is work to do.

Naranjo is a freelance writer living in rural Pennsylvania.

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By Stephen Macaulay

So the question is what to watch for on Election Night. Maybe the rather elaborate sets the various outlets have built. Perhaps the branding for Microsoft or Google or whatever else that will be providing data resources. Possibly the dynamic between the “balanced” spokespeople that are sitting at a long table. Conceivably “The Mandalorian” and nothing election-related.

During the 2016 election I was on a business trip in California. Several of us who were in a meeting being held in Monterey, down the street from John Steinbeck’s Cannery Row, all met in a hotel room and watched. No one knew the politics of one another at the start of the results rolling in. And as the results came in, not only were there multiple TV sets engaged, but people were checking their phones, tapping at the screens hoping things would update more quickly. At the end, there was no one who didn’t know where the rest stood.

That’s not going to happen again.

In 1990 I was in a hotel room in Tokyo. I had CNN International playing as I was preparing to attend meetings. I’d been there for a few days but was still jet-blurred, the state that follows jet lag. When I left Michigan, James Blanchard was a shoe-in for his third term as governor. When I glanced at the scroll on the bottom of the screen, I saw that John Engler had been elected.

I thought it had to be an error. It wasn’t.

This year? 

Home.

Maybe a book.

Macaulay is a cultural commentator based in Detroit.

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By Bryan Williams

How many years have we been hearing about “green jobs” that will employ blue-collar workers in obsolete smokestack industries, and how they will transform the American economy while curing the climate “emergency”? 

Every election cycle, politicians say they will help foster more green jobs, which usually involves spending billions. This time, it’s $2 trillion if Democratic candidate Joe Biden gets to implement his plan. Four years ago, Hillary Clinton even went so far as to promise she would “destroy” the coal industry and then help the miners find training or new employment.

How did she expect this to play out in West Virginia, Pennsylvania, and other blue-collar job states, such as Michigan and Wisconsin? She practically handed that to Donald J. Trump, who shrewdly swooped in to rescue the coal miners.

There were about 90,000 coal miners in the US, according to The Guardian (U.K.), and about half that – about 45,000 – currently. 

Why all the hubbub over so few workers? I think it comes down to this – coal miners are superdelegates for all blue-collar workers. 

Since I started paying attention to politics in the early 2000s, I have heard politicians of all stripes make claims that we must transition our economy and provide training for workers in obsolete blue-collar jobs. Twenty years later, what have we got? 

I’m sure there are success stories of coal miners who have transitioned to green jobs. But for nearly a generation, politicians have told these workers, “I have a plan for you. It will take away your job. There might be some money to retrain you and then you might get a new job after.” That rings pretty hollow and is disingenuous.

Along comes populist Trump in the 2016 presidential race, promising to save blue-collar jobs and revitalize American manufacturing. Since his inauguration he has done quite a few things that many other presidents and elected officials have not. 

Has he been successful? Not in the case of the coal industry. The market has helped kill coal, but so have government policies. I have a cousin who used to work at a coal plant here in California. The company had invested millions in clean coal technology to burn the fuel with minimal pollutants. The plant’s officials tried for years to get Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger and then Gov. Jerry Brown to take a tour and see how their stringent environmental policies weren’t necessary. Neither governor would even send a representative, and my cousin finally moved to Texas to find work. How many coal miner families can relocate? The political abandonment was felt – my cousin felt it deeply as well, I’m sure, by coal miners and their families in Pennsylvania and West Virginia.

Trump may not have been successful in bringing back those obsolete jobs, but what’s more important, I think, to those coal miners is they finally feel like someone powerful has their back.

They will vote for him again.

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By Bryan Williams

Amy Coney Barrett’s confirmation hasn’t turned into the sort of disgusting hack job that afflicted Brett Kavanaugh’s appearance before the Senate Judiciary Committee. ACB’s qualifications are unquestionable in my opinion, and she acquitted herself well in the hearing.

The headlines that have grabbed my attention are not about ACB, but regard my state’s senator, Dianne Feinstein, the ranking Democrat on the Senate Judiciary Committee. Many on the left were reportedly worried that the senior senator is not up to the task of grilling the nominee due to her advanced age (she’s 87) and diminished stamina. I was shocked when Feinstein ran for re-election in 2018 -- hasn’t she done her part for King and Country?

Democrats seem to have a thing for senior states-people hanging on to their office. News reports following her question time suggested that Feinstein, like the nine other Democrats on the committee failed to land a punch on the nominee. NPR ran a recording of the hearing for ACB’s nomination to the circuit court, in which Feinstein called her “dogmatic” in her devotion to her Catholic faith. 

Really? Have we returned to the late 1950s, when opponents questioned John F. Kennedy’s Catholicism and devotion to the Pope? The “dogma” that put fear into Feinstein and the media is another way to build up the left’s fear that with Barrett on the court, Roe vs. Wade soon will be overturned.

But what effect will her inevitable confirmation have on the presidential election? I’d like to think that President Trump will get a nice bump from nominating such a qualified jurist whose experience, intellect, and opinions will shape our culture for up to 40 years. Let’s not forget, ACB is taking over for RBG and liberals are hopping mad that Trump and the Republicans are shoving through this confirmation with heaps of Merrick Garland-flavored hypocrisy. 

This will only serve to please the Trump base and inflame the Left. How will the small slice of independents feel about this, and will it affect their vote? I can’t say for sure, but I really don’t think the average American voter has the Supreme Court on his or her mind in this weird year.

Williams is a mental health professional in California and a former Republican party official.

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By Henry Payne

In these strange times, the 2020 Vice Presidential Debate was fittingly strange theater.

There were ridiculous, plexiglass stage props. No questions from the moderator about riots that have toppled statues of George Washington and Thomas Jefferson. There was a fly. 

But study the script of Sen. Kamala Harris, and history will record a Democratic ticket representing the most radical Party shift in 50 years. Life-long government apparatchiks, Biden/Harris represent the Elite vs. Main Street divide at the heart of today’s politics.

Harris checks the demographic boxes for the Democratic coalition but, most importantly, she hails from California. The Democratic Party’s biggest electoral treasure, California is the epicenter of Democratic ideology and Hollywood fundraising. It betrays – with Biden’s Northeastern roots – a coastal Party with a continent of red states in between.

It was not always so. At the end of the 20th century, Democratic leadership was geographically diverse – Gephardt of Missouri, Michigan’s Dingell, Clinton from Arkansas, Bradley of New Jersey, Nebraska’s Bob Kerrey – and rooted in the working class. 

The coastal Party of Sanders-Pelosi-Schumer-Harris-Biden is very different. It takes its policy prescriptions from Democratic-Socialist Europe – Paris Climate Accords, Medicare for All, Green New Deal.

Trump/Pence was a direct reaction to this elitist takeover. 

For all of carnival barker Trump’s lack of decorum, he is a businessman who fundamentally gets Main Street – thus his populist base in working-class neighborhoods of Michigan, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin. He chose Pence, a heartland governor, as his running mate. 

Harris’ (which GovTrack.us rates “the most liberal member of the Senate”) debate talking points, by contrast, put her a long drive from Main Street.

She echoed Black Lives Matter, a radical group that wants societal change as unpopular as the forced busing policies that tore America apart 50 years ago – policies Harris still cheers.

I covered the Black Lives Matter riots in Ferguson, Missouri in 2014, which did enormous harm to black lives. Protestors burned businesses and jobs to the ground. Six years later, Ferguson still hasn’t recovered. 

Now Chicago, New York, Kenosha, Wisconsin and other cities have seen crime and violence skyrocket. Victims of homicide in Chicago, for example – mostly Black – are up 50 percent due to diminished policing and COVID shutdowns that Biden/Harris threaten to reinstate.

Solutions for vulnerable communities (including in my Detroit backyard) – charter schools, police protection – are under assault by Harris’s Party.

As are manufacturing jobs. Harris claimed global warming an “existential threat” despite all evidence to the contrary – most obviously healthy Great Lakes levels that Democrats just a decade ago were scared would dry up due to melting snow pack. 

Shouldn’t she have been preparing for the existential threat of global viruses?

Harris supports a California-inspired national mandate forcing U.S. automakers to make only climate-fighting electric cars. Similar European mandates pushed Volkswagen to cut 7,000 jobs last year as it faced high EV costs.

That is tragic theater.

Henry Payne is The Detroit News auto columnist, radio host, nationally syndicated editorial cartoonist with Andrews McMeel, and National Review contributor. He was inside The Beltway for 13 years before escaping to Motown.

Please address your comments to editors@thehustings.news

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