By Stephen Macaulay

Warren Buffett is the chairman and CEO of Berkshire Hathaway, a multinational holding company with a wide range of investments. The so-called “Oracle of Omaha”—a moniker he earned because of prescient investment decisions that have made a whole lot of people a whole lot of money — is 92. His sidekick (a.k.a., Berkshire vice chairman) Charlie Munger is 99.

And so we wonder about Joe Biden, president of the United States (a.k.a., leader of the free world), who is 80. His birthday is November 20, 1942, so fifteen days after the 2024 presidential election, he will be 82.

If Buffett or Munger make a mistake — a big mistake — in their roles at Berkshire Hathaway, then, comparatively speaking, the fallout will be limited. Lots of people will lose lots of money, but the losses are bounded.

If Biden makes a mistake — a big mistake — in his role as the guy who has access to the nuclear codes, then comparatively speaking, the fallout will be horrifying.

Too much? Weren’t people feeling profoundly uneasy a few years back knowing that Trump had access to the codes?

According to recent polling by Gallup, Biden averaged a 41% job approval rating during his second year in office (January 20, 2022 to January 19, 2023).

Arguably, 41% is the very definition of “meh.”

And while people might pound the desk and say “But Trump was worse!,” while true, Gallup measured that in his second year (January 20, 2018 to January 19, 2019) Trump was at 40.4%.

Arguably, 0.6% is the very definition of “not much.”

Consider this:

There are three things that are required of someone who is running for president:

  • Natural-born citizen of the United States
  • At least 35 years old
  • Resident of the U.S. for 14 years

Scranton, Pennsylvania-born Biden checks all those boxes. No question about it.

But here’s an interesting thing: Biden first ran for president in 1988. That’s 35 years ago.

So arguably someone who was born the year he made his first unsuccessful attempt could run against the Biden.

As he might put it, “C’mon, man.”

Biden has been committed to public service since winning a seat on the New Castle County Council in Delaware in 1970. More than half a century ago.

There can be little doubt of the man’s dedication to helping make his county — or his country — a better place.

Certainly being president puts him in a good place to do this — and he has certainly done a considerable amount of good, with things including the Inflation Reduction Act to the CHIPS and Science Act to actual infrastructure funding rather than another week of bloviation.

Certainly he has a list of other accomplishments that he’d like to check off. While this is laudable, it simply may be something he may not even get a chance to start working on. It seems as though the country — yes, even Democrats — thinks there needs to be change of a generational nature.

In his State of the Union he said he wanted to “finish the job.” 

The job is never finished. There is always something else to do in the same way the Buffett has another investment to make.

One of the phrases heard over the past few years was that there are too many politicians who are putting “party ahead of country.”

All of his good work notwithstanding, it seems as though if Joe Biden decides to run again he’ll be putting “personal interest ahead of country.”

Stepping down doesn’t mean he’s out. He becomes the quintessential “elder statesman.” His predecessor didn’t get that gig.

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By Charles Dervarics

Pennsylvania has had its detractors over the years.  To famed political advisor James Carville, it’s just Philadelphia and Pittsburgh with “Alabama in between.” In 2008, then-candidate Barack Obama got into hot water by citing his trips to struggling small towns in the state where people “cling to guns or religion.”

As a Pennsylvania native with a blue-collar background, I usually don’t take kindly to these references – though the state has had its challenges. As the coal and steel industries declined, those without a college education suffered. And it has a record of social conservatism, perhaps best reflected by the late Bob Casey, Sr., father of the current U.S. senator, who was a pro-union governor and leader of the anti-abortion wing of the national Democratic party.

Fast forward to 2020, and it’s not surprising the state emerged as a political hotspot. Natural gas and fracking have revitalized parts of the old industrial base in the north and west, while the state’s vast middle is still largely Republican and conservative. But the cities, particularly Philadelphia, remain a huge source of Democratic support where concerns about racial injustice and poverty take precedence.

But after Donald Trump surprised Hillary Clinton there in fall 2016, Joe Biden has turned the state blue again for a few reasons:

His home state roots: As he never hesitates to mention, Biden was born in Scranton in the state’s northeast area. The official 2020 tally has him with 54 percent of the vote in Lackawanna County, where Scranton is the county seat. Clinton’s share was about 50 percent. Biden also prevailed in Monroe County, the next county to the south.

Philadelphia and its suburbs: Biden again ran a few percentage points ahead of Clinton in the all-important suburbs and benefitted from higher turnout overall. In Bucks County, Biden claimed nearly 200,000 votes and 51.5 percent of the total, compared with Clinton’s 165,000 and 48 percent. More city residents also cast ballots in 2020, with Biden earning about 81 percent of the vote. 

Limiting losses: While Trump ran up the score in rural locations, Biden captured some areas the president won in 2016. One is Northampton County in the central-eastern Lehigh Valley, which Trump carried by four points in 2016. But current results show Biden with a slight lead there. It’s a similar story in Erie County in the state’s northwest corner.

It wasn’t easy for Biden, who took heat for comments on the oil industry and fracking that likely cost him some votes. But the small gains he made in many vote-rich areas – compared with 2016 – have given him a statewide edge of 40,000 votes.

The president’s legal team has raised challenges in Pennsylvania and other swing states, filing lawsuits to halt counts and challenge votes. So far, those efforts have not resulted in any changes to the Pennsylvania tally.

Charles Dervarics is a writer and policy analyst based in Alexandria, Va. He formerly was a reporter with newspapers in Allentown and Bethlehem, Pennsylvania.

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